Kenya between hope and despair pdf

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On December 12, , people across Kenya joyfully celebrated independence from British colonial rule, anticipating a bright future of prosperity and social justice. As the nation approaches the fiftieth anniversary of its independence, however, theMoreOn December 12, , people across Kenya joyfully celebrated independence from British colonial rule, anticipating a bright future of prosperity and social justice. As the nation approaches the fiftieth anniversary of its independence, however, the peoples dream remains elusive.

History of Kenya

This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form beyond that copying permitted by Sections and of the US Copyright 7 Law and except by reviewers for the public press without written permission from 8 the publishers. KenyaHistory 2. Kenya 9 Politics and government KenyaPolitics and government KenyaPolitics and government KenyaSocial 30 conditions I.

B73 1 Note Kibaki, then vice president, in the background. Over the three and a half years of 7 research and writing that followed, a good deal of assistance, advice 8 and support was provided by a wide range of generous individuals and 9 organisations.

As assis- 6 tant director of the institute, Stephanie Wynne-Jones and her husband, 7 Mike, were generous hosts and great company; Christmas Day 8 will always be remembered fondly! In a similar vein, Will and Miriam 9 Cunningham made my research trips across the Atlantic a pleasure with 30 their boundless hospitality. The staff of the Kenya National Archives went beyond the call of 3 duty, persevering in hunts through the stacks for lost files with great 4 good humour and extraordinary success.

Several of the images for this 9 book were located with the help of The Nation Media groups photo- 10 graphic service and Farah Chaudhry at Camerapix and A24 Media.

Attendees of 3 seminars and lectures at the School of Oriental and African Studies, 4 the University of Oxford, Durham University, the University of 5 Sheffield, the University of Leeds, the University of Birmingham, the 6 Library of Congress and my own University of Warwick all provided 7 useful comments and criticism.

Colleagues at 1 both were supportive of my work, in particular a series of heads of 2 department. During their discussions of post-colonial African history, 3 students at both institutions regularly forced me to develop unclear 4 concepts and to reconsider prior assumptions. John Lonsdale 30 has been, as always, encouraging and supportive.

Justin Willis read the 1 entire manuscript, and I am particularly grateful to him for his 2 insightful criticisms and comments.

Not all have been addressed, and I 3 am, of course, responsible for the errors, omissions and misjudgements. Each made sure 3 that regular trips to Nairobi were both enjoyable and illuminating.

Gabrielle Lynch, Gerard McCann and 10 Paul Ocobock read chapters, made criticisms, shared their own work 1 and proved again, on countless occasions, to be great company. It was 2 my good fortune that research trips to Nairobi overlapped with 3 Gerards own visits, while a trip to Northwestern fortuitously coin- 4 cided with Pauls time in Chicago. On each occasion, a great amount 5 of intellectual generosity was exhibited by both.

Suffice to say I owe my parents, siblings, niece, nephews and in- 8 laws both current and future a great deal. Four other people can be 9 singled out for particular praise and thanks, however. As editor, 20 Phoebe Clapham has been encouraging, diligent and patient to the 1 last; it has been a pleasure to work with her.

One of the many benefits 2 of living in and around Oxford has been the continued ability to exploit 3 the friendship and knowledge of Dave Anderson and Nic Cheeseman. Both are close friends, co-editors and co-authors. Last but not 7 least, the work on this book began a couple of days after I first met 8 Jennie Castle. By the time of its publication, she will be my wife. In the 9 intervening three and a half years, she has endured with good humour 30 my frequent long absences and late nights of writing.

Just one trip to 1 Kenya during the research was no sort of compensation, but was 2 enough for her to see why I keep returning. Names of ethnic groups used are those most likely to be 8 familiar to non-specialist readers: for example Kikuyu rather Gikuyu 9 or Agikuyu. In a similar vein, occasional mention is made of the 20 language of Swahili rather than Kiswahili. Wherever possible, Swahili 1 terms that are used in English-language everyday conversation in 2 Kenya have been translated.

Again, this has been done for no other 3 reason than accessibility. The political 5 map of the country has, however, been redrawn on a number of occa- 6 sions. References to the glut of districts created after have, there- 7 fore, been kept to a minimum. Mentions of provinces refer to those 8 marked out by the boundaries in place between and Borrowing from Paul Gifford, 2 the rough, indicative exchange rates used for conversions here are 3 Ksh.

It involves the right 5 of a people to criticise freely without being detained in prison. It 6 involves a people being aware of all their rights. It involves the 7 rights of a people to know how the wealth is produced in the 8 country, who controls that wealth, and for whose benefit that 9 wealth is being utilised.

Democracy involves therefore people 20 being aware of the forces shaping their lives. Lake Turkana Lokichokio 5 Mandera. The guests, all from the top echelon of Kenya, diplomats, guests 2 from near-by countries, and a host of Odingas retainers and employees 3 from his ministry, were treated to huge quantities of native foods. Beans, maize, chicken, bread, potatoes, and cooked 5 greens were the basic fare.

The consumption was enormous. Always convivial company, quick with jokes and 8 a generous host, Odinga was nevertheless a passionate nationalist politi- 9 cian. While not physically imposing, his forceful personality fully justi- 30 ed his nickname of The Bull. His support for the cause of nationalism 1 had been unshakable in the years leading up to independence.

The rst was Kenyas 4 transition to self-rule on 1 June. KANUs victory 8 was not simply a victory of one party over another: it was about the 9 triumph of one vision of Kenyas constitutional future over another.

KADU, by contrast, advocated a devolved system of govern- 3 ment, with considerable powers passed down to local authorities. Odinga had been excluded from the cabinet 8 under that power-sharing arrangement. With KANUs victory 9 ensuring that the party took sole occupancy of the main government 20 institutions, he returned to government as minister for home affairs.

Drawn from across the country, 4 and with a wide array of experience of colonial rule, the men present 5 were involved in building a new nation. In retrospect, more important 6 was their construction of a new ruling class. New connections were 7 made, while old ones that had been forged at such premier schools as 8 the Alliance High School or at university particularly at Makerere, in 9 neighbouring Uganda were renewed in the years to come, at other 30 such social events.

The best education that colonialism could provide 1 lent what one of its beneciaries, Benjamin Kipkorir, called an 2 emerging elite with the connections, skills and knowledge to become 3 Independent Kenyas rulers. The party marked an opportunity for the new 2 diplomatic corps to build friendships and to size up potential enemies 3 within Kenyas new political leadership.

To other foreign guests, 4 Nairobi was a more familiar place. Several British colonial ofcials 5 were making preparations to stay on in Kenya after independence as 6 expatriate civil servants within the bureaucracy of the new nation.

Although many of 8 the white settlers living in the White Highlands were to leave the 9 country at independence, a number did want to make a go of life in the 10 new Kenya. To some of the guests at the party, the presence of British 1 administrators and the economic ties to the outgoing imperial power 2 were welcome bulwarks against the dangerous talk of some nationalists 3 about socialism, friendly relations with the communist powers, and a 4 redistribution of wealth from the top to the bottom of Kenyan society.

Kenyatta had 1 spent much of the previous decade in detention, falsely accused by the 2 British regime of orchestrating the Mau Mau rebellion of the s. Now, as 6 guests proceeded out onto Odingas lawn, where troupes of dancers 7 were waiting to entertain them, Kenyatta was feted as Mzee, the elder, 8 or Baba Taifa, father of the nation. Although his greying hair and griz- 9 zled beard betrayed his advanced years, the new prime minister was 30 exuberant.

Detention had done little apparent damage to his robust 1 health and stature. As the dancers encouraged various politicians to 2 join them in their performance, Kenyatta stepped forward eagerly.

Kenyattas 3 new friend and ally, Malcolm MacDonald, was a less likely dancer, 4 however. The son of Britains rst Labour prime minister, a Labour 5 politician in his own right and a long-time servant of British diplomacy 6 and colonialism in various positions, he nevertheless played a critical 7 role in changing the direction of Kenyan decolonisation.

He served as 8 the last governor of the colonial era, as the only governor-general of 9 the period between independence and the declaration of a republic a 10 year later, and then as the rst high commissioner. There were, by contrast, far 7 fewer good brains in the K. Party and its leader Ronald Ngala 8 was rather second-rate. The last governor thought it critical that 9 Kikuyu supporters of KANU should hold the upper hand after inde- 20 pendence.

This was not a question of numbers: although the largest 1 ethnic group in the country, Kikuyu accounted for perhaps only one in 2 ve of all Kenyans.

Each of the other four large ethnic groups Luhya, 3 Luo, Kalenjin and Kamba could boast between 10 and 15 per cent of 4 the countrys population. As the community that had been most integrated 7 into the colonial economy, Kikuyu had also led protests against British 8 rule, culminating in the Mau Mau rebellion. MacDonald believed that 9 this tradition of protest meant that Kikuyu would not accept marginal- 30 isation after independence and would take their revenge if they were 1 alienated by British interests, such as the European settler farmers.

MacDonald therefore reversed the policy of the 6 Administration in Nairobi, and instructed that we should not seek to 7 inuence the General Election in favour of either a greater or a lesser 8 K. His talents were much needed: the arrangements for 6x the celebration party would probably have stretched Odingas organi- 7 sational skills to the limit, and by the time he was released from deten- 8 tion, Kenyatta had ceased to have much interest in the machinery of 9 politics.

Like Odinga, Kenyatta after his release was an orator rather 20 than an organiser. But Mboya was by no means an anonymous back- 1 room operator. With the build of a middleweight and armed with a 2 formidable intellect and condence to match , he earned his stripes in 3 the bitter arena of trade union politics during the s. Never a 4 radical, he had taken advantage of the detention of militant trade union 5 leaders during the Mau Mau rebellion to champion the cause of the 6 poorly treated workers in the countrys urban areas.

An outstandingly 7 modern man, as Mboyas biographer put it, he was as comfortable in 8 front of a crowd of dock workers in Mombasa as in the ofces of their 9 employers or in the newsrooms of New York and London, where he 30 performed a vital function as a spokesman for moderate nationalism.

Their disputes, their ideas 5 and the constituencies and institutions they represented dominated the 6 political landscape to varying degrees for a whole generation. And they 7 had able assistants, too, who were the next to join the dance.

Fred 8 Kubai and Mwai Kibaki took their leaders places with the dancers, 9 while Achieng Oneko dragged a reluctant Paul Ngei into the dancing. A keen polit- 2 ical ally of Odinga, his nous and organisational skills were much 3 needed by the more impulsive Odinga. Oneko had close personal ties 4 to Kenyatta too. They had been in detention together throughout 5 the s, along with Kubai and Ngei, and Oneko had worked as 6 Kenyattas personal secretary after their release.

Whereas Kenyatta 7 came from a long tradition of constitutional protest against colonial 8 rule, Oneko, Kubai and Ngei, together with the other leading 9 detainees, such as Bildad Kaggia, were the strongmen of militant 20 nationalism in the s and were more forthright in their views about 1 independence than the more conciliatory Kenyatta.

Although, at the 2 time of the Odinga party, Ngei was still outside KANU, he later joined 3 and became a minister in the government. Oneko was already informa- 4 tion minister, and Kibaki and Kubai were parliamentary secretaries.

He had much in common with Mboya, who 1 managed the partys bureaucracy. Like his friend, Kibaki was stout in 2 build and able in mind. The two men had clear ideas about how the 3 economy of independent Kenya could be developed.

Download Kenya Between Hope And Despair 19632011 By Daniel Branch Online

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Kenya: Between Hope and Despair, 1963-2011

This chapter introduces the politics of Kenya by focusing on three identities and relationships that have animated its politics over the last years: community, clientelism, and class. This stylized approach is not intended to downplay the importance of formal political and economic institutions. Instead, it is designed to emphasize the need to consider formal institutions in the context of their informal counterparts in order to understand continuity amidst change. Ethnic identities and clientelism have dominated much discussion of Kenyan politics and political economy. To this we add class relations—or what might more accurately be called the degree of elite cohesion—an issue that has often been overlooked, but which plays an important role in shaping the rules of the political game.

As for cooking, I mean to begin giving you lessons in that some of these days.

The Essential Rumi by Coleman Barks

Home Issues 4. Kenya is expected to become a hydrocarbon producer and an oil export hub in the coming years and if properly managed, oil and gas could provide Kenya with a unique opportunity to cement the path towards sustainable economic growth that the country engaged in a few years ago. However, mismanagement of the newly found oil and gas reserves will not only deprive the East African nation of a chance to prosper, but could spur renewed conflict. The combination of oil and gas revenues, improved governance and a peaceful context could set the stage for Kenya to leave behind its old woes of corruption, political patronage, ethnic rivalries and violence. It is a challenging endeavor and Kenya will encounter many stumbling blocks on the way, as the brutal terrorist attack of September in a Nairobi shopping mall reminded us.

On December 12, , people across Kenya joyfully celebrated independence from British colonial rule, anticipating a bright future of prosperity and social justice. As the nation approaches the fiftieth anniversary of its independence, however, the people's dream remains elusive. During its first five decades Kenya has experienced assassinations, riots, coup attempts, ethnic violence, and political corruption. The ranks of the disaffected, the unemployed, and the poor have multiplied. In this authoritative and insightful account of Kenya's history from to the present day, Daniel Branch sheds new light on the nation's struggles and the complicated causes behind them. Branch describes how Kenya constructed itself as a state and how ethnicity has proved a powerful force in national politics from the start, as have disorder and violence.

Kenya After 50 pp Cite as. This is surprising as the histories of independent Kenya published during the current decade identify issues of federalism and centralism as being fundamental to political discourse and contestation at particular junctures during that half century Branch, ; Hornsby, Yet the history of majimbo is hardly straightforward. It has been marked by deep divisions among the political elite and ordinary Kenyans. The divisive nature of appeals for majimbo was clearly manifested in the aftermath of the controversial election. Unable to display preview.

Kenya: Between hope and despair, 1963–2011


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